{"database":"biostudies-literature","file_versions":[],"scores":null,"additional":{"submitter":["Montez JK"],"funding":["National Institute on Aging"],"pagination":["e0275466"],"full_dataset_link":["https://www.ebi.ac.uk/biostudies/studies/S-EPMC9604945"],"repository":["biostudies-literature"],"omics_type":["Unknown"],"volume":["17(10)"],"pubmed_abstract":["The rise in working-age mortality rates in the United States in recent decades largely reflects stalled declines in cardiovascular disease (CVD) mortality alongside rising mortality from alcohol-induced causes, suicide, and drug poisoning; and it has been especially severe in some U.S. states. Building on recent work, this study examined whether U.S. state policy contexts may be a central explanation. We modeled the associations between working-age mortality rates and state policies during 1999 to 2019. We used annual data from the 1999-2019 National Vital Statistics System to calculate state-level age-adjusted mortality rates for deaths from all causes and from CVD, alcohol-induced causes, suicide, and drug poisoning among adults ages 25-64 years. We merged that data with annual state-level data on eight policy domains, such as labor and taxes, where each domain was scored on a 0-1 conservative-to-liberal continuum. Results show that the policy domains were associated with working-age mortality. More conservative marijuana policies and more liberal policies on the environment, gun safety, labor, economic taxes, and tobacco taxes in a state were associated with lower mortality in that state. Especially strong associations were observed between certain domains and specific causes of death: between the gun safety domain and suicide mortality among men, between the labor domain and alcohol-induced mortality, and between both the economic tax and tobacco tax domains and CVD mortality. Simulations indicate that changing all policy domains in all states to a fully liberal orientation might have saved 171,030 lives in 2019, while changing them to a fully conservative orientation might have cost 217,635 lives."],"journal":["PloS one"],"pubmed_title":["U.S. state policy contexts and mortality of working-age adults."],"pmcid":["PMC9604945"],"funding_grant_id":["R01AG055481"],"pubmed_authors":["Woolf SH","Monnat SM","Chapman D","Beckfield J","Grumbach JM","Montez JK","Mehri N","Zajacova A","Hayward MD"],"additional_accession":[]},"is_claimable":false,"name":"U.S. state policy contexts and mortality of working-age adults.","description":"The rise in working-age mortality rates in the United States in recent decades largely reflects stalled declines in cardiovascular disease (CVD) mortality alongside rising mortality from alcohol-induced causes, suicide, and drug poisoning; and it has been especially severe in some U.S. states. Building on recent work, this study examined whether U.S. state policy contexts may be a central explanation. We modeled the associations between working-age mortality rates and state policies during 1999 to 2019. We used annual data from the 1999-2019 National Vital Statistics System to calculate state-level age-adjusted mortality rates for deaths from all causes and from CVD, alcohol-induced causes, suicide, and drug poisoning among adults ages 25-64 years. We merged that data with annual state-level data on eight policy domains, such as labor and taxes, where each domain was scored on a 0-1 conservative-to-liberal continuum. Results show that the policy domains were associated with working-age mortality. More conservative marijuana policies and more liberal policies on the environment, gun safety, labor, economic taxes, and tobacco taxes in a state were associated with lower mortality in that state. Especially strong associations were observed between certain domains and specific causes of death: between the gun safety domain and suicide mortality among men, between the labor domain and alcohol-induced mortality, and between both the economic tax and tobacco tax domains and CVD mortality. Simulations indicate that changing all policy domains in all states to a fully liberal orientation might have saved 171,030 lives in 2019, while changing them to a fully conservative orientation might have cost 217,635 lives.","dates":{"release":"2022-01-01T00:00:00Z","publication":"2022","modification":"2025-04-18T21:23:15.503Z","creation":"2025-04-07T09:17:31.31Z"},"accession":"S-EPMC9604945","cross_references":{"pubmed":["36288322"],"doi":["10.1371/journal.pone.0275466"]}}