Not only a territorial matter: The electoral surge of VOX and the anti-libertarian reaction.
Ontology highlight
ABSTRACT:
SUBMITTER: Ramis-Moyano R
PROVIDER: S-EPMC10081776 | biostudies-literature | 2023
REPOSITORIES: biostudies-literature
Publications
Not only a territorial matter: The electoral surge of VOX and the anti-libertarian reaction.
Ramis-Moyano Rodrigo R Pasadas-Del-Amo Sara S Font Joan J
PloS one 20230407 4
Although previous work has shown the complexity of motives behind the VOX vote, its emergence is often associated mainly with the Catalan conflict. Our analysis shows that VOX's first electoral success was marked importantly by preferences related to territorial conflict, but also by opposition to immigration, authoritarianism or ideology. The main contribution of the paper lies in demonstrating something that until now had not been empirically verified: the relevance of anti-feminist attitudes ...[more]
Similar Datasets
Project description:In this paper, we investigate how trust in traditional and social media correlate with misperceptions of electoral integrity. Relying on insights from political communication research on exposure to misinformation and selective exposure mechanisms, as well as insights on the different roles of traditional and social media in different regime types, we argue that misperceptions of election integrity are likely driven in large part by the interplay between the trust people have in different media sources and the context (i.e., the level of press freedom) in which the elections take place. Using data from a survey conducted in 25 countries across the world, we find that trust in information from traditional media decreases misperceptions, while trust in information from social media increases misperceptions. However, both these effects are smaller when press freedom is restricted. In countries with low levels of press freedom, trust in social media is even associated with lower levels of misperceptions.
| S-EPMC11300040 | biostudies-literature
Project description:Many assumed that legislators send political messages or even grandstand in expectation of gaining electoral rewards. However, largely due to a lack of proper data and measurements, this assumption has not been tested. Publicized committee hearings provide a unique environment to consistently observe changes in legislators' speech patterns and test this assumption. Using House committee hearing transcripts from 1997 to 2016 and Grandstanding Scores-which capture the intensity of political messages conveyed in members' statements in hearings-I find that an increase in a member's messaging efforts in a given Congress leads to increased vote share in the following election. This suggests that legislators' grandstanding remarks, often regarded as cheap talk, can be an effective electoral strategy. Additional findings suggest that PAC donors respond differently to members' grandstanding behavior. Specifically, while voters react to members' grandstanding positively but are ignorant about their legislative effectiveness, PAC donors are unmoved by members' grandstanding behaviors and reward members' effective law-making activities instead. These asymmetric reactions from voters and donors may provide members with a twisted incentive to appeal to voters merely by making impressive, political speeches while legislating in favor of organized interests, which raises concerns about how representative democracy works.
| S-EPMC10151507 | biostudies-literature
Project description:This paper introduces the SEA database (acronym for Spanish Electoral Archive). SEA brings together the most complete public repository available to date on Spanish election outcomes. SEA holds all the results recorded from the electoral processes of General (1979-2019), Regional (1989-2021), Local (1979-2019) and European Parliamentary (1987-2019) elections held in Spain since the restoration of democracy in the late 70 s, in addition to other data sets with electoral content. The data are offered for free and is presented in a homogeneous and friendly format. Most of the databases are available for download with data from various electoral levels, including from the ballot box level. This paper details how the information is organized, what the main variables are on offer for each election, which processes were applied to the data for their homogenization, and discusses future areas of work. This data has many applications, for example, as inputs in election prediction models and in ecological inference algorithms, to study determinants of turnout or voting, or for defining marketing strategies.
| S-EPMC8319390 | biostudies-literature
Project description:Policy Points The erosion of electoral democracy in the United States in recent decades may have contributed to the high and rising working-age mortality rates, which predate the COVID-19 pandemic. Eroding electoral democracy in a US state was associated with higher working-age mortality from homicide, suicide, and especially from drug poisoning and infectious disease. State and federal efforts to strengthen electoral democracy, such as banning partisan gerrymandering, improving voter enfranchisement, and reforming campaign finance laws, could potentially avert thousands of deaths each year among working-age adults.ContextWorking-age mortality rates are high and rising in the United States, an alarming fact that predates the COVID-19 pandemic. Although several reasons for the high and rising rates have been hypothesized, the potential role of democratic erosion has been overlooked. This study examined the association between electoral democracy and working-age mortality and assessed how economic, behavioral, and social factors may have contributed to it.MethodsWe used the State Democracy Index (SDI), an annual summary of each state's electoral democracy from 2000 to 2018. We merged the SDI with annual age-adjusted mortality rates for adults 25-64 years in each state. Models estimated the association between the SDI and working-age mortality (from all causes and six specific causes) within states, adjusting for political party control, safety net generosity, union coverage, immigrant population, and stable characteristics of states. We assessed whether economic (income, unemployment), behavioral (alcohol consumption, sleep), and social (marriage, violent crime, incarceration) factors accounted for the association.FindingsIncreasing electoral democracy in a state from a moderate level (defined as the third quintile of the SDI distribution) to a high level (defined as the fifth quintile) was associated with an estimated 3.2% and 2.7% lower mortality rate among working-age men and women, respectively, over the next year. Increasing electoral democracy in all states from the third to the fifth quintile of the SDI distribution may have resulted in 20,408 fewer working-age deaths in 2019. The democracy-mortality association mainly reflected social factors and, to a lesser extent, health behaviors. Increasing electoral democracy in a state was mostly strongly associated with lower mortality from drug poisoning and infectious diseases, followed by reductions in homicide and suicide.ConclusionsErosion of electoral democracy is a threat to population health. This study adds to growing evidence that electoral democracy and population health are inextricably linked.
| S-EPMC10509506 | biostudies-literature
Project description:Conservatives and liberals have previously been shown to differ in the propensity to view socially-transmitted information about hazards as more plausible than that concerning benefits. Given differences between conservatives and liberals in threat sensitivity and dangerous-world beliefs, correlations between political orientation and negatively-biased credulity may thus reflect endogenous mindsets. Alternatively, such results may owe to the political hierarchy at the time of previous research, as the tendency to see dark forces at work is thought to be greater among those who are out of political power. Adjudicating between these accounts can inform how societies respond to the challenge of alarmist disinformation campaigns. We exploit the consequences of the 2016 U.S. elections to test these competing explanations of differences in negatively-biased credulity and conspiracism as a function of political orientation. Two studies of Americans reveal continued positive associations between conservatism, negatively-biased credulity, and conspiracism despite changes to the power structure in conservatives' favor.
| S-EPMC6294387 | biostudies-literature
Project description:Electoral misinformation, where citizens believe false or misleading claims about the electoral process and electoral institutions-sometimes actively and strategically spread by political actors-is a challenge to public confidence in elections specifically and democracy more broadly. In this article, we analyze a combination of 42 million clicks in links and apps from behavioral tracking data of 2,200 internet users and a four-wave panel survey to investigate how different kinds of online news and media use relate to beliefs in electoral misinformation during a contentious political period-the 2022 Brazilian presidential elections. We find that, controlling for other factors, using news from legacy news media is associated with belief in fewer claims of electoral misinformation over time. We find null or inconsistent effects for using digital-born news media and various digital platforms, including Facebook and WhatsApp. Furthermore, we find that trust in news plays a significant role as a moderator. Belief in electoral misinformation, in turn, undermines trust in news. Overall, our findings document the important role of the news media as an institution in curbing electoral misinformation, even as they also underline the precarity of trust in news during contentious political periods.
| S-EPMC11300038 | biostudies-literature
Project description:ObjectiveMean speed of responding is the most commonly used measure in the assessment of reaction time (RT). An alternative measure is intraindividual variability (IIV): the inconsistency of responding across multiple trials of a test. IIV has been suggested as an important indicator of central nervous system functioning, and as such, there has been increasing interest in the associations between IIV and brain imaging metrics. Results however, have been inconsistent. The present seeks to provide a comprehensive evaluation of the associations between a variety of measures of brain white matter integrity and individual differences in choice RT (CRT) IIV.MethodMRI brain scans of members of the Lothian Birth Cohort 1936 were assessed to obtain measures of the volume and severity of white matter hyperintensities, and the integrity of brain white matter tracts. CRT was assessed with a 4 CRT task on a separate occasion. Data were analyzed using multiple regression (N range = 358-670).ResultsGreater volume of hyperintensities and more severe hyperintensities in frontal regions were associated with higher CRT IIV. White matter tract integrity, as assessed by both fractional anisotropy and mean diffusivity, showed the smallest effect sizes in associations with CRT IIV. Associations with hyperintensities were attenuated and no longer significant after controlling for M CRT.ConclusionsTaken together, the results of the present study suggested that IIV was not incrementally predictive of white matter integrity over mean speed. This is in contrast to previous reports, and highlights the need for further study. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).
| S-EPMC6683973 | biostudies-literature
Project description:Authoritarian incumbents routinely use democratic emulation as a strategy to extend their tenure in power. Yet, there is also evidence that multiparty competition makes electoral authoritarianism more vulnerable to failure. Proceeding from the assumption that the outcomes of authoritarian electoral openings are inherently uncertain, it is argued in this article that the institutionalisation of elections determines whether electoral authoritarianism promotes stability or vulnerability. By 'institutionalisation', it is meant the ability of authoritarian regimes to reduce uncertainty over outcomes as they regularly hold multiparty elections. Using discrete-time event-history models for competing risks, the effects of sequences of multiparty elections on patterns of regime survival and failure in 262 authoritarian regimes from 1946 to 2010 are assessed, conditioned on their degree of competitiveness. The findings suggest that the institutionalisation of electoral uncertainty enhances authoritarian regime survival. However, for competitive electoral authoritarian regimes this entails substantial risk. The first three elections substantially increase the probability of democratisation, with the danger subsequently diminishing. This suggests that convoking multiparty competition is a risky game with potentially high rewards for autocrats who manage to institutionalise elections. Yet, only a small number of authoritarian regimes survive as competitive beyond the first few elections, suggesting that truly competitive authoritarianism is hard to institutionalise. The study thus finds that the question of whether elections are dangerous or stabilising for authoritarianism is dependent on differences between the ability of competitive and hegemonic forms of electoral authoritarianism to reduce electoral uncertainty.
| S-EPMC7217209 | biostudies-literature
Project description:Investigating the intricate and rapid folding kinetics of large RNA-protein complexes (RNPs), like the bacterial ribosome, remains a formidable challenge in structural biology. Previous genetic approaches to probe assembly have focused on modulating the expression of either r-proteins or assembly factors. Here, anti-sense oligonucleotides (ASOs) were used to disrupt native RNA/RNA and RNA/protein interactions, in order to generate previously uncharacterized folding intermediates. In an in vitro co-transcriptional ribosome assembly assay, 10 assembly inhibitor ASOs were identified. Using cryo-electron microscopy, 38 intermediate structures were determined resulting from the specific inhibitions generated by 6 inhibitory ASOs. A notable intermediate class provided compelling evidence for independent rRNA domain folding before proper interdomain docking. Three PNAs targeting domain-I of 23S rRNA further subdivided the previously identified assembly core into smaller blocks representing the earliest steps in assembly. The resulting assembly graph reveals template-directed RNA docking of defined regions as foldons, and domain consolidation, which provides a hierarchical view of the RNP assembly process. This approach not only identified potential targets for antibiotic development but also established a platform for probing the structure and dynamics of RNP assemblies.
2025-07-28 | PXD064127 | Pride
Project description:Glaciers in the Karakoram exhibit irregular behavior. Terminus fluctuations of individual glaciers lack consistency and, unlike other parts of the Himalaya, total ice mass remained stable or slightly increased since the 1970s. These seeming anomalies are addressed through a comprehensive mapping of surge-type glaciers and surge-related impacts, based on satellite images (Landsat and ASTER), ground observations, and archival material since the 1840s. Some 221 surge-type and surge-like glaciers are identified in six main classes. Their basins cover 7,734 ± 271 km2 or ~43% of the total Karakoram glacierised area. Active phases range from some months to over 15 years. Surge intervals are identified for 27 glaciers with two or more surges, including 9 not previously reported. Mini-surges and kinematic waves are documented and surface diagnostic features indicative of surging. Surge cycle timing, intervals and mass transfers are unique to each glacier and largely out-of-phase with climate. A broad class of surge-modified ice introduces indirect and post-surge effects that further complicate tracking of climate responses. Mass balance in surge-type and surge-modified glaciers differs from conventional, climate-sensitive profiles. New approaches are required to account for such differing responses of individual glaciers, and effectively project the fate of Karakoram ice during a warming climate.
| S-EPMC5684366 | biostudies-literature