Dataset Information

Mixed partisan households and electoral participation in the United States.

ABSTRACT: Research suggests that partisans are increasingly avoiding members of the other party-in their choice of neighborhood, social network, even their spouse. Leveraging a national database of voter registration records, we analyze 18 million households in the U.S. We find that three in ten married couples have mismatched party affiliations. We observe the relationship between inter-party marriage and gender, age, and geography. We discuss how the findings bear on key questions of political behavior in the US. Then, we test whether mixed-partisan couples participate less actively in politics. We find that voter turnout is correlated with the party of one's spouse. A partisan who is married to a co-partisan is more likely to vote. This phenomenon is especially pronounced for partisans in closed primaries, elections in which non-partisan registered spouses are ineligible to participate.

SUBMITTER: Hersh E

PROVIDER: S-EPMC6179382 | biostudies-literature | 2018

REPOSITORIES: biostudies-literature

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Publications

Mixed partisan households and electoral participation in the United States.

Hersh Eitan E Ghitza Yair Y

PloS one 20181010 10

Research suggests that partisans are increasingly avoiding members of the other party-in their choice of neighborhood, social network, even their spouse. Leveraging a national database of voter registration records, we analyze 18 million households in the U.S. We find that three in ten married couples have mismatched party affiliations. We observe the relationship between inter-party marriage and gender, age, and geography. We discuss how the findings bear on key questions of political behavior ...[more]

PMID: 30303974

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Project description:ObjectivesTo ensure generalizability of clinical research results, it is important to enroll a heterogeneous population that is representative of the target clinical population. Earlier studies have found regional variation in participation in human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) clinical trials, with the lowest rates seen in the southern United States. Rates of new HIV diagnoses are highest in the South, highlighting the need for in-depth understanding of disparities in clinical trial participation. We evaluated whether regional variation in study participation remains, and describe factors that facilitate or prevent HIV clinical trial participation by region.MethodsA one-time, anonymous, bilingual, self-administered survey was conducted among HIV-infected adults receiving HIV care at all 47 domestic AIDS Clinical Trials Group clinical research sites, with a goal of completing 50 surveys per site. χ(2) tests were used to evaluate differences in knowledge of and participation in HIV clinical trials by region, including Northeast, Midwest, South, and West regions. Multivariable logistic regression was used to estimate odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for the effect of region on knowledge of and participation in HIV clinical trials.ResultsOf 2263 completed surveys, 2125 were included in this analysis. The proportion of respondents in the South who reported knowledge of studies (66%) was significantly lower than in the Northeast (76%), Midwest (77%), and West (73%) (P = 0.001). Respondents in the South also were the least likely group to report ever having tried to or having participated in a research study (51%) compared with respondents in the Northeast (60%), Midwest (57%), and West (69%; P < 0.001). After adjusting for age, sex, education, race/ethnicity, tobacco use, and alcohol use, the odds ratio for knowledge of and participation in clinical trials for the Northeast (1.36; 95% CI 1.07-1.72) and West (1.85; 95% CI 1.39-2.45) remained significant compared with the South. African American respondents in the South were the most likely population group to report not understanding research studies (15%) as a reason for not participating, compared with the Northeast (9%), Midwest (8%), and West (6%; P < 0.001).ConclusionsSignificant regional variations in knowledge of and participation in HIV clinical trials exist. Our results suggest that increasing awareness and understanding of research studies, particularly among African Americans in the South, may facilitate HIV clinical trial participation that is more representative of the HIV-infected population across the United States.

Project description:Increasing evidence suggests that state policies impact constituents' health, but political determinants of health and health inequities remain understudied. Using state and year fixed-effects models, we determined the extent to which changes in electoral partisan bias in lower chambers of U.S. state legislatures (i.e., discrepancy between statewide vote share and seat share) were followed by changes in five state policies affecting children and families (1980-2019) and a composite of safety net programs (1999-2018). We examined effects on each policy and whether the effect was modified when bias was accompanied by unified party control. Next, we determined whether the effect differed depending on which party it favored. Less bias resulted only in higher AFDC/TANF benefits. Both pro-Democratic and pro-Republican bias was followed by decreased AFDC/TANF benefits and increased Medicaid benefits. AFDC/TANF recipients, unemployment benefits, minimum wage, and pre-K-12 education spending increased following pro-Democratic bias and decreased following pro-Republican bias. Estimated effects on the composite measure of safety net policies were all close to null. Some effects were modulated by unified party control. Results demonstrate that increasing fairness in elections is not a panacea by itself for increasing generosity of programs affecting children's well-being. Indeed, bias can be somewhat beneficial for the expansiveness of some policies. Furthermore, with the exception of unemployment benefits and AFDC/TANF recipients, Democrats have not been using the additional power that comes with electoral bias to spend more on major programs that benefit children. Finally, after decades in which electoral bias was in Democrats' favor, bias has started to shift toward Republicans in the last decade. This trend forecasts more cuts in almost all the policies in this study, especially education and AFDC/TANF recipients. There is a need for more research and advocacy emphasis on the political determinants of social determinants of health, especially at the state level.

Project description:Vision Zero (VZ) aims to reduce fatalities and serious injuries from road traffic crashes to zero through a Safe Systems approach. Little is known about the extent of uptake of VZ in the United States (US), or the attributes and functioning of the initiatives. Using a mixed-methods design, our objectives were to describe the status of VZ implementation and characteristics of those initiatives among US municipalities. Websites of all US municipalities with a population of at least 50,000 (n = 788) were searched to identify involvement in VZ. When initiatives were identified, we abstracted information from their website and other published documents, using a comprehensive framework of best practice VZ components. From the VZ initiatives identified, we interviewed representatives from 12 municipalities with diversity by region of the country, population size, and VZ implementation. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and coded for themes. Through systematic web-based searching, we identified 86 of 788 (10.9%) municipalities with a VZ initiative. Among 314 larger municipalities (population >=100,000), 68 (21.7%) were identified. Among 476 medium-size municipalities (population of 50,000-99,999), 18 (3.8%) were identified. VZ initiatives began as early as 2014, starting with larger municipalities, and followed in 2015 with medium-size municipalities. Among the VZ initiatives, 58 (67.4%) recorded a vision statement, with 51 (59.3%) setting a target year to reach zero deaths. Thirty-nine (45.3%) had published VZ plans, with another 22 (25.6%) working towards a plan. Twenty-five initiatives (29.1%) shared resources across stakeholder groups, such as funding or staff. Forty-six initiatives (53.5%) had an established coalition, and 18 (20.9%) proposed or were developing a coalition. Twenty-six initiatives (30.2%) provided regular updates or evaluation on progress towards performance metrics, but only 4 (4.7%) had implemented a performance management system to regularly track progress on VZ-related actions. The interviews provided further context and a more detailed understanding of results. Documenting the characteristics of VZ initiatives among US municipalities can contribute to an understanding of current practice, potential opportunities to support ongoing initiatives, and information to assist new initiatives. Ultimately, the impact of municipal-level VZ efforts should be evaluated with regards to traffic-related serious injuries and fatalities.

Dataset Information

Mixed partisan households and electoral participation in the United States.

Publications

Mixed partisan households and electoral participation in the United States.

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