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Political ideology predicts preventative behaviors and infections amid COVID-19 in democracies.

ABSTRACT: Can one's political ideology predict his or her testing positive for COVID-19 and how? The present study leveraged a recent (April-May 2020) survey of 27,260 individuals across 27 democracies to investigate the associations between political ideology and coronavirus infections. Our individual-level data and mediation analyses allow us to tease out different correlational paths according to which one's political ideology affects his or her infection. We found a more right-leaning attitude to be associated with a higher probability of testing positive both directly and indirectly through conspiracy theory beliefs and physical distancing. Moreover, our cross-national investigation also found that becoming more right-leaning in ideology was associated with a higher level of perceived risk of COVID-19 infection, which made one less likely to test positive. Combined, we provide a more nuanced understanding of the role played by political ideology in the current pandemic, on which the design of a more effective risk communication strategy can be based.

SUBMITTER: Tung HH

PROVIDER: S-EPMC9278997 | biostudies-literature | 2022 Sep

REPOSITORIES: biostudies-literature

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Political ideology predicts preventative behaviors and infections amid COVID-19 in democracies.

Tung Hans H HH Chang Teng-Jen TJ Lin Ming-Jen MJ

Social science & medicine (1982) 20220714

Can one's political ideology predict his or her testing positive for COVID-19 and how? The present study leveraged a recent (April-May 2020) survey of 27,260 individuals across 27 democracies to investigate the associations between political ideology and coronavirus infections. Our individual-level data and mediation analyses allow us to tease out different correlational paths according to which one's political ideology affects his or her infection. We found a more right-leaning attitude to be a ...[more]

PMID: 35863153

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Project description:BackgroundThe mortality risk of co-infections/secondary infections (CoI/ScI) is under-reported in patients with non-critical COVID-19, leading to the under-management of CoI/ScI and publication bias in the medical literature. We aimed to investigate the association between CoI/ScI and mortality in patients hospitalised with mild-to-severe COVID-19.MethodsWe conducted a retrospective cohort study at a COVID-19 treatment hospital in Vietnam and collected all eligible medical records, with CoI/ScI status as the exposure (non-CoI/ScI and CoI/ScI, with the latter including nature of pathogen [bacterial, fungal, or bacterial + fungal] and multidrug-resistance pathogen [no MDRp or ≥ 1 MDRp]). The outcome was all-cause mortality, defined as in-hospital death by all causes or being discharged under critical illness. We used time-dependent analysis to report rates of mortality with 95% confidence intervals (95% CI, Poisson regression) and hazard ratios (HR) with 95% CI (Cox proportional hazards regression with Holm's method for multiplicity control).ResultsWe followed 1466 patients (median age 61, 56.4% being female) for a median of 9 days. We recorded 387 (26.4%) deaths (95/144 [66.0%] in the CoI/ScI group and 292/1322 [22.1%] in the non-CoI/ScI group). Adjusted mortality rates (per 100 person-days) of the CoI/ScI (6.4, 95% CI 5.3 to 7.8), including bacterial (8.0, 95% CI 7.2 to 8.9), no MDRp (5.9, 95% CI 4.8 to 7.4), and ≥ 1 MDRp (9.0, 95% CI 8.2 to 10.0) groups were higher than that of the non-CoI/ScI group (2.0, 95% CI 1.8 to 2.2). These corresponded to higher risks of mortality in the overall CoI/ScI (HR 3.27, 95% CI 2.58 to 4.13, adjusted p < 0.001), bacterial CoI/ScI (HR 3.79, 95% CI 2.97 to 4.83, adjusted p < 0.001), no MDRp CoI/ScI (HR 3.13, 95% CI 2.42 to 4.05, adjusted p < 0.001), and ≥ 1 MDRp CoI/ScI group (HR 3.89, 95% CI 2.44 to 6.21, adjusted p < 0.001). We could not attain reliable estimates for fungal and bacterial + fungal CoI/ScI.ConclusionCompared with the non-CoI/ScI group, patients with CoI/ScI had a significantly higher risk of all-cause mortality, regardless of resistance status. More evidence is needed to confirm the mortality risks in patients with fungal or bacterial + fungal CoI/ScI.

Project description:BackgroundBased on individual-level studies, previous literature suggested that conservatives and liberals in the United States had different perceptions and behaviors when facing the COVID-19 threat. From a state-level perspective, this study further explored the impact of personal political ideology disparity on COVID-19 transmission before and after the emergence of Omicron.MethodsA new index was established, which depended on the daily cumulative number of confirmed cases in each state and the corresponding population size. Then, by using the 2020 United States presidential election results, the values of the built index were further divided into two groups concerning the political party affiliation of the winner in each state. In addition, each group was further separated into two parts, corresponding to the time before and after Omicron predominated. Three methods, i.e., functional principal component analysis, functional analysis of variance, and function-on-scalar linear regression, were implemented to statistically analyze and quantify the impact.ResultsFindings reveal that the disparity of personal political ideology has caused a significant discrepancy in the COVID-19 crisis in the United States. Specifically, the findings show that at the very early stage before the emergence of Omicron, Democratic-leaning states suffered from a much greater severity of the COVID-19 threat but, after July 2020, the severity of COVID-19 transmission in Republican-leaning states was much higher than that in Democratic-leaning states. Situations were reversed when the Omicron predominated. Most of the time, states with Democrat preferences were more vulnerable to the threat of COVID-19 than those with Republican preferences, even though the differences decreased over time.ConclusionsThe individual-level disparity of political ideology has impacted the nationwide COVID-19 transmission and such findings are meaningful for the government and policymakers when taking action against the COVID-19 crisis in the United States.

Project description:ObjectiveThe impact of cognitive function and decline on political ideology is unknown. We studied the relationship between cognition and both political orientation and political policy choices in a population of older persons.DesignLongitudinal investigation.SettingA retirement community and its surroundings in Southern California.Participants151 members of a longitudinal investigation of aging and dementia in the oldest-old (the 90+ Study), mean age 95 years.MeasurementsParticipants self-reported their political ideology (7-point scale from extremely liberal to extremely conservative) and policy preferences for federal spending on public schooling, aid to the poor, and protecting the environment, as well as on preferences on immigration rates, death penalty, and university admission. The same political survey was mailed to participants twice: at time one and 6-months later. Cognitive function based on neurological examination and cognitive testing was classified as normal (55%), cognitive impairment/not dementia (CIND) (33%), or dementia (12%). We calculated rank correlations between ideology and policy choices, stratified by cognitive status, and agreement between Surveys 1 and 2.ResultsPolitical ideology/orientation was highly consistent over a six-month period (84% agreement) among the 122 who returned the second survey, with no significant relationship to cognitive status. Among cognitively impaired (CIND and dementia), however, there was significant loss of consistency between an individual's political orientation and their policy choices. Level of political engagement was high for participants, with more than 90% voting in the 2016 presidential election.ConclusionIn this population of older persons, political identification on the liberal-conservative spectrum was resilient despite cognitive decline, but its meaning and function were changed. For the cognitively impaired it remained a self-defining label, but no longer operated as a higher order framework for orienting specific policy preferences. There appeared to be loss of coherence between the political orientation and political policy choices of cognitively impaired individuals. Given the high level of political engagement of these individuals, these results have substantial public policy implications.

Dataset Information

Political ideology predicts preventative behaviors and infections amid COVID-19 in democracies.

Publications

Political ideology predicts preventative behaviors and infections amid COVID-19 in democracies.

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